ABSTRACT
Introduction: The outbreak of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) in December 2019 called for a rapid solution, leading to repurposing of existing drugs. Due to its immunomodulatory effect and antiviral properties, hydroxychloroquine (HCQ) has been used in early 2020 for treatment of COVID-19 patients. This study was conducted to evaluate the treatment outcome of HCQ monotherapy in Malaysia. Methods: A retrospective cohort study was conducted in COVID-19 ward in Hospital Kuala Lumpur (HKL), from March to April 2020. A total of 446 COVID-19 patients were recruited, only 325 patients were finally included for analysis. Statistical analysis was done using SPSS, with a significant value set at p<0.05. Results: The mean age of the patients were 38.5 ±15.5. They were majority male, (n=210, 64.6%) Malaysian (n=239, 73.5%) and Malay ethnicity (n=204, 62.8%). Ninety-one (28%) patients received HCQ monotherapy. HCQ monotherapy was associated with worse outcome (OR: 10.29, 95% CI 1.17-90.80). There was a significant difference in mean length of stay between those with and without HCQ treatment (t323=5.868, p<0.001, 95% CI, 2.56-5.31). The average length of stay for HCQ treated group was 3.84 days longer than those without treatment. 6.6% of the patient receiving HCQ monotherapy encountered adverse drug effects. Conclusion: Similar to study reported worldwide, our study demonstrated that HCQ did not improve length of stay and the outcome of COVID-19 patients. © 2023 Authors. All rights reserved.
ABSTRACT
Since 2012, Beijing has been promoting a strain of populist nationalism which underscores both the institutional superiority of the ruling party and the cultural superiority of being Chinese. At the international level, however, the image of both the regime and the Chinese has been marred due to the coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak in Wuhan (December 2019–January 2020). This study examines the extent and the form that the surge in nationalist sentiment of Chinese young people has taken during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on a questionnaire survey of 1,200 students from a sample of 20 colleges/universities in China (June–July 2020), this study shows that the respondents express high satisfaction with the state's performance in tackling the pandemic, and that there is a substantial surge of nationalist sentiment with a high level of hostility towards other nations (e.g. the United States). Such nationalist sentiment, however, is found to express a bifurcated pattern in that young Chinese also tend to embrace the opportunity to work and study in the Western societies they ostensibly dislike. © China: An International Journal.
ABSTRACT
This study explores the experience of elderly rural Buddhist and Taoist believers in communist China where the ruling party has maintained decades-long regulatory control over religion. Based on ethnographic observation and oral histories, the analysis begins with how the actors made sense of and coped in their relationship with the state during the fieldwork period (May-June 2020) when state regulations restricted public religious practice because of COVID-19. The analysis then looks back on how practitioners experienced tightening state ideological control from the early 2010s to before COVID-19;further back at the religious revival during the opening and reform (1980s-2010s);and finally, the Cultural Revolution period (1960s-70s) when strict atheistic measures were imposed. Their narratives reveal the practical logic (habitus) which practitioners used to mediate their resistance against and compromise with the authoritarian state. Specifically, four logical modes that involve actors' different time-space tactics were identified, namely state-religion disengagement, state-religion enhancement, religious (dis)enlightenment, and karma. The implications of these ostensibly conflicting modes of thinking in mediating the actors' resistance-compliance interface in contemporary China are discussed.